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[TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: Footnotes have been corrected and moved
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SOCIALISM AS IT IS

A SURVEY OF THE WORLD-WIDE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT


BY

WILLIAM ENGLISH WALLING


New York

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

1918

_All rights reserved_

COPYRIGHT, 1912,

BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.

Set up and electrotyped. Published April, 1912. Reprinted October, 1912;
January, 1915.


Norwood Press
J. S. Cushing Co.--Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.




PREFACE

The only Socialism of interest to practical persons is the Socialism of
the organized Socialist movement. Yet the public cannot be expected to
believe what an organization says about its own character or aims. It is
to be rightly understood only _through its acts_. Fortunately the
Socialists' acts are articulate; every party decision of practical
importance has been reached after long and earnest discussion in party
congresses and press. And wherever the party's position has become of
practical import to those outside the movement, it has been subjected to
a destructive criticism that has forced Socialists from explanations
that were sometimes imaginary or theoretical to a clear recognition and
frank statement of their true position. To know and understand Socialism
as it is, we must lay aside both the claims of Socialists and the
attacks of their opponents and confine ourselves to the concrete
activities of Socialist organizations, the grounds on which their
decisions have been reached, and the reasons by which they are
ultimately defended.

Writers on Socialism, as a rule, have either left their statements of
the Socialist position unsupported, or have based them exclusively on
Socialist authorities, Marx, Engels, and Lasalle, whose chief writings
are now half a century old. The existence to-day of a well-developed
movement, many-sided and world-wide, makes it possible for a writer to
rely neither on his personal experience and opinion nor on the old and
familiar, if still little understood, theories. I have based my account
either on the acts of Socialist organizations and of parties and
governments with which they are in conflict, or on those responsible
declarations of representative statesmen, economists, writers, and
editors which are not mere theories, but the actual material of
present-day polities,--though among these living forces, it must be
said, are to be found also some of the teachings of the great Socialists
of the past.

It will be noticed that the numerous quotations from Socialists and
others are not given academically, in support of the writer's
conclusions, but with the purpose of reproducing with the greatest
possible accuracy the exact views of the writer or speaker quoted. I am
aware that accuracy is not to be secured by quotation alone, but depends
also on the choice of the passages to be reproduced and the use made of
them. I have therefore striven conscientiously to give, as far as space
allows, the leading and central ideas of the persons most frequently
quoted, and not their more hasty, extreme, and less representative
expressions.

I have given approximately equal attention to the German, British, and
American situations, considerable but somewhat less space to those of
France and Australia, and only a few pages to Italy and Belgium. This
allotment of space corresponds somewhat roughly to the relative
importance of these countries in the international movement. As my idea
has been not to describe, but to interpret, I have laid additional
weight on the first five countries named, on the ground that each has
developed a distinct type of labor movement. As I am concerned with
national parties and labor organizations only as parts of the
international movement, however, I have avoided, wherever possible, all
separate treatment and all discussion of features that are to be found
only in one country.

The book is divided into three parts; the first deals with the external
environment out of which Socialism is growing and by which it is being
shaped, the second with the internal struggles by which it is shaping
and defining itself, the third with the reaction of the movement on its
environment. I first differentiate Socialism from other movements that
seem to resemble it either in their phrases or their programs of reform,
then give an account of the movement from within, without attempting to
show unity where it does not exist, or disguising the fact that some of
its factions are essentially anti-Socialist rather than Socialist, and
finally, show how all distinctively Socialist activities lead directly
to a revolutionary outcome.

I am indebted to numerous persons, Socialists and anti-Socialists, who
during the twelve years in which I have been gathering material--in
nearly all the countries mentioned--have assisted me in my work. But I
must make special mention of the very careful reading of the whole
manuscript by Mr. J. G. Phelps Stokes, and of the numerous and vital
changes made at his suggestion.




CONTENTS

PAGE
PREFACE v

INTRODUCTION ix

PART I

"STATE SOCIALISM" AND AFTER

CHAPTER
I. THE CAPITALIST REFORM PROGRAM 1
II. THE NEW CAPITALISM 16
III. THE POLITICS OF THE NEW CAPITALISM 32
IV. "STATE SOCIALISM" AND LABOR 46
V. COMPULSORY ARBITRATION 66
VI. AGRARIAN "STATE SOCIALISM" IN AUSTRALASIA 85
VII. "EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY" 97
VIII. THE "FIRST STEP" TOWARDS SOCIALISM 108

PART II

THE POLITICS OF SOCIALISM

I. "STATE SOCIALISM" WITHIN THE MOVEMENT 117
II. "REFORMISM" IN FRANCE, ITALY, AND BELGIUM 131
III. "LABORISM" IN GREAT BRITAIN 146
IV. "REFORMISM" IN THE UNITED STATES 175
V. REFORM BY MENACE OF REVOLUTION 210
VI. REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS 231
VII. THE REVOLUTIONARY TREND 248

PART III

SOCIALISM IN ACTION

I. SOCIALISM AND THE "CLASS STRUGGLE" 276
II. THE AGRICULTURAL CLASSES AND THE LAND QUESTION 300
III. SOCIALISM AND THE "WORKING CLASS" 324
IV. SOCIALISM AND LABOR UNIONS 334
V. SYNDICALISM; SOCIALISM THROUGH DIRECT ACTION OF LABOR UNIONS 354
VI. THE "GENERAL STRIKE" 387
VII. REVOLUTION IN DEFENSE OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT 401
VIII. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL REVOLUTION 416
IX. THE TRANSITION TO SOCIALISM 426

NOTES 437

INDEX 447




INTRODUCTION


The only possible definition of Socialism is the Socialist movement.
Karl Marx wrote in 1875 at the time of the Gotha Convention, where the
present German party was founded, that "every step of the real movement
is of more importance than a dozen programs," while Wilhelm Liebknecht
said, "Marx is dear to me, but the party is dearer."[1] What was this
movement that the great theorist put above theory and his leading
disciple valued above his master?

What Marx and Liebknecht had in mind was a _social class_ which they saw
springing up all over the world with common characteristics and common
problems--a class which they felt must and would be organized into a
movement to gain control of society. Fifty years before it had been
nothing, and they had seen it in their lifetime coming to preponderate
numerically in Great Britain as it was sure to preponderate in other
countries; and it seemed only a question of time before the practically
propertyless employees of modern industry would dominate the world and
build up a new society. This class would be politically and economically
organized, and when its organization and numbers were sufficient it
would take governments out of the hands of the old aristocratic and
plutocratic rulers and transform them into the instruments of a new
civilization. This is what Marx and Liebknecht meant by the "party" and
the "movement."

From the first the new class had been in conflict with employers and
governments, and these struggles had been steadily growing in scope and
intensity. Marx was not so much interested in the immediate objects of
such conflicts as in the struggle itself. "The real fruit of their
victory," he said, "lies, not in immediate results, but in the ever
expanding union of the workers."[2] As the struggle evolved and became
better organized, it tended more and more definitely and irresistibly
towards a certain goal, whether the workers were yet aware of it or not.
If, therefore, we Socialists participate in the real struggles of
politics, Marx said of himself and his associates (in 1844, at the very
outset of his career), "we expose new principles to the world out of the
principles of the world itself.... We only explain to it the real object
for which it struggles."[3]

But the public still fails, in spite of the phenomenal and continued
growth of the Socialist movement in all modern countries, to grasp the
first principle on which it is based.

"Socialism has many phases," says a typical editorial in the
_Independent_. "It is a political party, an economic creed, a religion,
and a stage of history. It is world-wide, vigorous, and growing.



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Keywords: organizations, either, persons, practical, importance, struggle, growing, world-wide, governments, revolution
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